CLEAN COAL, DIRTY AIR

As we reported before, utilities must now use expensive scrubbers regardless of whether the coal complies with federal standards or not; this book brings the details of how Congress could pass such Monstrous legislation and who voted for it.

Here we might add a little detail (not in the book): In early 1980 Consumers Power Co of Michigan converted two of its coal-fired plants to lower-sulfur coal to reduce sulfur dioxide emissions, but the electrostatic precipitators (designed to remove 99% of particulates from the exhaust gases) would not operate efficiently with the lower-sulfur coal. Consumers Power Co therefore had to inject sulfur trioxide into the exhaust gases. The equipment required to do this cost a cool $7 million. (Edison Electric Inst. news release 16 May 1980). The cost of this scandalous absurdity was, of course, borne by Michigan consumers, courtesy of Ralph Nader, the National Resources Defense Council, the Clean Air Coalition, and the other hucksters who call themselves "environmentalists."

To return to the book, we found the following episode interesting, though there is far more important material in the work. In 1977, when the coalition of Sierra Club and eastern coal mining interests pushed an amendment finally transfiguring a Clean Air Act criterion on behalf of clean air to one on behalf of the coal mining industry (State Governors were empowered to order the use of local coal regardless of air quality), it was too much even for Sen. Muskie's stomach, and he gave three reasons for opposing it:

"The dominant thrust of this amendment is not its relationship to clean air, but to the economics of the areas it is designed to protect... Second, the Constitutional Convention was the result of the fact that thirteen colonies were busily erecting trade barriers against each other... Third,...its mechanics could stand some refinement if, in fact, the Congress were finally to decide that the policy it represents is a good one."

His three objections were rebutted by a frequent visitor to these pages, Sen. Metzenbaum of Ohio, in a sample of his ironclad logic: "I would like to respond to the distinguished Senator from Maine... The National Clean Air Coalition, the Environmental Policy Center, and the Sierra Club have all come out formally in support of this amendment... The United Mine Workers, the AFL-CIO, the United Steel Workers of America, the United Transport Union, all of them have indicated their support... Last but not least, ConRail has indicated its support..."

His "rebuttal," you will have noted, had not the slightest relevance to Muskie's objections; but what counts in politics is votes. The roll-call followed immediately, and his plea carried 45 to 44. The environmentalist-UMW coalition triumphed: Each for their own reasons, they succeeded in keeping the air polluted.

"This is a book that every member of Congress should read" is a phrase used too often and too lightly, but this time we feel it is justified:

And as we go to press, another excellent piece by William Tucker, "Marketing Pollution," appears in Harper's (May 1981, pp.31-38), which is well worth a trip to the library or to the newsstand. He, too, speaks highly of Ackerman's book, and goes beyond it in discussing how market forces can best be harnessed to deal with air pollution. His recommendation gives much food for thought, and may be a good one, for it is the idea, not the originator (Sen. Proxmire) that counts.